Peace in society cannot be understood as pacification or the mere absence of violence resulting from the domination of one part of society over others. Nor does true peace act as a pretext for justifying a social structure which silences or appeases the poor, so that the more affluent can placidly support their lifestyle while others have to make do as they can. Demands involving the distribution of wealth, concern for the poor and human rights cannot be suppressed under the guise of creating a consensus on paper or a transient peace for a contented minority. The dignity of the human person and the common good rank higher than the comfort of those who refuse to renounce their privileges. When these values are threatened, a prophetic voice must be raised. (EG 218)
“Time is greater than space”
While critical awareness and questions about extractive activities are increasing in various parts of the planet, mining companies are proposing a dialogue at the summit level. Organized resistance processes are delaying or interrupting investments and ventures. In many countries, the pressures against predatory and plundering extractivism are accumulating in the territories, popular organizations, the struggles of indigenous peoples and traditional communities are growing, strengthening cultures and ways of life.
When a mining company controls a territory, the land becomes a space of use, mining title, merchandise. In Brazilian legislation, for example, from the perspective of mining, the population in a territory is classified as “superficiary” (superficiário in Portuguese) and mining activities have priority over everything and everyone in the territories. Mining activities are qualified, in the legislation, as being of public utility. At the same time, in order to carry out their business, the companies seek to get rid of the “superficiary”. Mining dominates the land, water and environment, causing negative impacts and violating human rights. This logic and mechanics of the hegemony of mining activity, in relation to everything and everyone in the territories, reveals that the care of the Common Home is not separated from the question of the models and systems that we want to organize so that the Home is Common, for everything and everyone.
“The environment is one of those goods that cannot be adequately safeguarded or promoted by market forces”
(Laudato SI)
The encyclical Laudato Si’ is clear in recognizing the legitimacy and the need for pressure from the population and its organizations (LS 38, 179, 181). The Pope quotes the Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church and states that: “The environment is one of those goods that cannot be adequately safeguarded or promoted by market forces” (LS 190). Empowering local populations in the territories against human rights violations and crimes against Mother Earth is one way of caring for the Common Home.
In stating that “time is greater than space,” Pope Francis tells us that we must seek historical processes of transformation and never abandon the long-term vision in exchange for arrangements of spaces of power. It is necessary to give strength to the path that generates processes, which bring about profound transformations, even at the risk of losing.
One of the faults which we occasionally observe in sociopolitical activity is that spaces and power are preferred to time and processes. Giving priority to space means madly attempting to keep everything together in the present, trying to possess all the spaces of power and of selfassertion; it is to crystallize processes and presume to hold them back. Giving priority to time means being concerned about initiating processes rather than possessing spaces. Time governs spaces, illumines them and makes them links in a constantly expanding chain, with no possibility of return. What we need, then, is to give priority to actions which generate new processes in society and engage other persons and groups who can develop them to the point where they bear fruit in significant historical events. Without anxiety, but with clear convictions and tenacity. (EG 223)
Sometimes I wonder if there are people in today’s world who are really concerned about generating processes of people-building, as opposed to obtaining immediate results which yield easy, quick short-term political gains, but do not enhance human fullness. (EG 224)
Resistances and struggles occur in the territories, with the people, and there are many. In the relationship of churches with the issue of mining, there is another more organic, more urgent and necessary dialogue, which is the strengthening of local churches, which live in mining territories, involved with the peoples in their processes of negotiation, resistance, struggle and search for alternatives. Together with people and their organizations, prophetically, it is up to the churches, and many do, to strengthen the processes that are occurring and encourage them to happen, where awakening is still necessary.
“Unity prevails over conflict”
In every country in the world where there are large-scale mining projects, there are conflicts, communities facing mining companies and governments. For Pope Francis, the conflict cannot be ignored, masked or mystified, but must be assumed. “Conflict cannot be ignored or concealed. It has to be faced” (GS 226), without, however, being “trapped” or stopped in the “conflictual conjuncture”, so as not to lose perspective, horizons, fragmentation of reality or “the profound unity of reality”.
When conflict arises, some people simply look at it and go their way as if nothing happened; they wash their hands of it and get on with their lives. Others embrace it in such a way that they become its prisoners; they lose their bearings, project onto institutions their own confusion and dissatisfaction and thus make unity impossible. But there is also a third way, and it is the best way to deal with conflict. It is the willingness to face conflict head on, to resolve it and to make it a link in the chain of a new process. “Blessed are the peacemakers!” (Mt 5:9). (EG 227)
In 2014, the Churches and Mining Network was created, which is “an ecumenical space, composed of Christian communities, pastoral teams, religious congregations, theological reflection groups, lay people, bishops and pastors,” with the objective of trying to “respond to the challenges of the impacts and violations of social and environmental rights caused by mining activities in the territories where” its members live and work.
In March 2017, El Salvador became the first country in the world to ban metal mining. This was the result of the efforts and struggles of local citizen activists, diverse communities, indigenous peoples, social movements, with the effective participation of the Salvadoran Catholic Bishops’ Conference. Also in March 2017, in Brazil, the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil (CNBB) created a “Working Group on Mining”, “with the objective of deepening the debates on mining in Brazil, to provide a technical basis for the pastoral positioning of the entity”.
In March 2018, the Latin American Episcopal Council (CELAM) presented a Pastoral Letter on Integral Ecology: “Missionary Disciples Guardians of the Common House: Discernment in the Light of the Encyclical Laudato Si’”. Paragraph 10 of the text of this Letter informs us that it “addresses the great challenges that Integral Ecology presents to our continent; we will stop particularly to analyze the impact of extractive activities in our Common Home, especially those related to mining”.
In September 2019, the CNBB elevated the Mining Working Group to “Special Commission for Integral Ecology and Mining”.
A historic victory for communities in Chile was the closure of the Pascua Lama Project by Canadian company Barrick Gold. On the morning of September 17, the First Environmental Tribunal in Antofagasta, Chile, ruled that Barrick Gold’s controversial Pascua Lama project is “definitively and completely closed”. This decision ended a long process of more than 20 years of struggle. The company was acquired by the Environmental Superintendence, for non-compliance with its Environmental Rating Resolution (ERC). The company’s exploration activities have left lasting impacts on the glaciers and rivers, which are the main source of fresh water for the valley. These impacts had been anticipated by communities in the valley even before work began.
These are some examples that show us how, in recent years, the churches in Latin America are assuming, from the conflict, the construction of processes of unity and transformation.
The Pope also affirms in Evangelii Gaudium that the principle of “unity is greater than conflict” is “indispensable to the building of friendship in society” (EG 228) and that it is inspired by the concept of “reconciled diversity” (EG 230).
In Laudato Si’, Pope Francis refers to this principle, in chapter V, when he speaks of “Lines of approach and action”; in point 4, when he speaks of “Politics and economy in dialogue for human fulfillment”, he says:
Politics and the economy tend to blame each other when it comes to poverty and environmental degradation. It is to be hoped that they can acknowledge their own mistakes and find forms of interaction directed to the common good. While some are concerned only with financial gain, and others with holding on to or increasing their power, what we are left with are conflicts or spurious agreements where the last thing either party is concerned about is caring for the environment and protecting those who are most vulnerable. Here too, we see how true it is that “unity is greater than conflict”( (LS 198).
“Realities are more important than ideas”
It is necessary to overcome a certain abstract conceptualization of dialogue, which naturalizes the principles, while reality contradicts them.
The mining companies, which are the cause of the conflicts and interested parties, are looking for dialogue at distant “tables”, like those of the so-called “Days of Reflection”, with people and organizations that are not in the territories and that do not have an explicit delegation to represent them. The relationship between mining and conflict cannot be treated, or even overcome, with abstract idealism. It is urgent to avoid the manipulation of reality through technical language, the seduction of power or the play of intentions, even if the dialogues are based on universally recognized Christian ethical principles and values, since in reality they are denied by the daily practice of the mining companies.
There also exists a constant tension between ideas and realities. Realities simply are, whereas ideas are worked out. There has to be continuous dialogue between the two, lest ideas become detached from realities. It is dangerous to dwell in the realm of words alone, of images and rhetoric. So a third principle comes into play: realities are greater than ideas. This calls for rejecting the various means of masking reality: angelic forms of purity, dictatorships of relativism, empty rhetoric, objectives more ideal than real, brands of ahistorical fundamentalism, ethical systems bereft of kindness, intellectual discourse bereft of wisdom. (EG 231)
Both in and around the areas of extraction, as well as in more distant areas, due to the demand for infrastructure (highways, railroads, pipelines, power plants, dams, ports, etc.), there is the destruction of social fabric through the collapse of livelihoods and community ties, the suppression of social relations and interactions with the environment, the theft of nature, the eradication of communities and the forced displacement of people. The same mining companies that seek a “dialogue” establish control over territories and impose areas of sacrifice.
What calls us to action are realities illuminated by reason. Formal nominalism has to give way to harmonious objectivity. Otherwise, the truth is manipulated, cosmetics take the place of real care for our bodies. We have politicians – and even religious leaders – who wonder why people do not understand and follow them, since their proposals are so clear and logical. Perhaps it is because they are stuck in the realm of pure ideas and end up reducing politics or faith to rhetoric. Others have left simplicity behind and have imported a rationality foreign to most people. (EG 232).
Often, the mining sector does not take into account the populations of the territories where its projects are implemented. In Latin America and the Caribbean there is a corporate capture of states by mining companies. States remain at the service of extractive industries and mining companies. In Peru, for example, there are more than 112 agreements signed between mining companies and the Peruvian National Police (PNP). The “Report: Agreements between the National Police and Extractive Companies in Peru. Analysis of the relations that allow human rights violations and break the principles of the democratic rule of law”, the result of an investigation carried out by Earth Rights International (ERI), the Legal Defense Institute (IDL) and the National Human Rights Coordinator (CNDDHH), states that: “In Peru, for more than 20 years, there has been a legal framework authorizing the PNP to enter into agreements with private companies for police purposes to provide their services as private security agents in the installations and areas of influence of extractive projects, in exchange for economic consideration”. These commercial agreements with the police directly influence police actions in social protests. They take place in areas with a high degree of conflict and consist of “payment to the police, transportation, supply of clothes, food and, above all, a percentage of money that goes to the police itself, the police institution”. 13 This is a true privatization of the police.
“The whole is greater than the part”
To separate mining from the whole is to get lost in a part of the problem. A more global planetary vision is needed, from the perspective of Integral Ecology and Integral Justice. It is necessary to consider the system of life of the Planet and the fact that mining is inserted in the capitalist model of accumulation, production and consumption, as well as in its interactions with the social, political, cultural and economic systems. Mining is a sector of the so-called predatory extractivism.
It is an economic, political, social and cultural model, where capitalist accumulation is produced through the large-scale appropriation of common goods, transforming them into merchandise and provoking a process of violence and expulsion that destroys peoples, cultures, territories and biodiversity.
In geopolitical terms, the understanding of the extractive mining economy is fundamental in the debate on the process of contemporary capitalist accumulation and the search for alternatives. The intensification of the exploitation of the “common goods” (natural resources) by mining, intensive agriculture, large-scale fishing, logging, oil and gas is the result of a political choice in relation to a country’s raw materials. This choice deepens and creates new economic, political and environmental asymmetries between the global South and North. In recent decades, Latin America, Africa and Asia have been marked by the boom and post-boom of extractive commodities.
The common goods, which capital insists on calling “natural resources,” are the goods of humanity and of nature itself. Transforming the common goods into private wealth is a model of management and governance of the whole (commons goods) for the benefit of a part (transnational corporations; in this case, mining and the financial system).
The strategic plans on raw materials of countries in the European Union, the United States, Canada and China are mainly concerned with ensuring the supply of natural resources to the internal market and thus safeguarding the competitiveness of these local economies. Their trade and investment programs seek to review existing commitments, regulate relations through free trade agreements, and reduce the policy space of global governments in the South. It is a diplomacy to guarantee access to the natural resources of these regions.
These strategic plans on raw materials, focused on safeguarding the supply of resources to the industry of a few countries, constitute an architecture of impunity, centered on corporate power. Multilateral institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) reinforce corporate rights over responsibilities.
In the case of Africa, for example, to get an idea of this architecture of impunity in favor of transnational corporations, we can highlight the struggles of communities, mining workers and their movements to resist environmental impacts and human rights violations. We will mention three struggles, one that took place in Marikana, South Africa, another in Marange, Zimbabwe and a third in Moatize, Mozambique; of these, the first two ended in massacres.
Marikana: The extractive sector in post-apartheid South Africa continues to opt for labour exploitation and environmental degradation. In the mines, subway work is carried out under unhealthy conditions. Communities affected by mining continue to be excluded from the richness of the land resources on which they live. The Marikana massacre is an example of corporate impunity, government and corporate collusion, and the ruthless ways in which the mining sector is managed to maximize profits.
Lonmin Plc is a mining company listed on the London and Johannesburg stock exchanges. It is dedicated to the prospecting, extraction, refining and marketing of metals from the platinum group, of which it is one of the largest primary producers in the world. On August 16, 2012, 34 mining workers of the transnational corporation Lonmin participated in a strike for better wages and were shot dead by members of the South African Police Service (SAPS). This happened in Marikana, a town near Rustenburg in the North West Province of South Africa. Another 79 miners were injured and 259 arrested.